December 9, 2004
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December 9, 2004
EDITORIAL
Please, Sir, May I Have Some Armor?
e’re used to hearing Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld answer questions about things that went wrong in Iraq by saying they went right. When he does that to reporters, it’s annoying. When he does it to troops risking their lives in his failed test of bargain-basement warfare, it’s outrageous.
Yesterday, Mr. Rumsfeld told soldiers at a staging area in Kuwait to ignore “the doubters” who say the escalating war is not going well. Then he invited the troops, some of them headed to their second combat tours, to ask him “tough questions.” They evidently thought he meant it.
A National Guard scout from
Tennessee asked why there was still an equipment shortage that forced units to scrounge for “hillbilly armor”: “pieces of rusted scrap metal and compromised ballistic glass that’s already been shot up, dropped, busted.” When the cheering died down, Mr. Rumsfeld said that, really, there was plenty of armor and in any case, “all the armor in the world” might not save you from a roadside bomb.
“You go to war with the Army you have,” Mr. Rumsfeld fumed, “not the Army you might want or wish to have at a later time.” He may have forgotten that the timetable for invading Iraq was dictated by politics, not military necessity. The armor shortage was also an outgrowth of his zeal to prove that a country can be invaded and occupied by a small and lightly armed force. A spokesman for the questioner’s unit told reporters that 95 percent of its 300 trucks were not sufficiently armored.
Later, a woman said she and her husband “joined a volunteer army” but were serving extra tours under the “stop loss” program, a forced-duty clause in military contracts. “The ‘stop loss’ has been used by the military for years and years and years,” Mr. Rumsfeld lectured. “It’s all well understood when someone volunteers to join the service.”
Mr. Rumsfeld talks a lot about supporting the troops. We wish that someone powerful would explain to him that doing so includes treating them with respect and telling them the truth.
December 9, 2004
OP-ED COLUMNIST
Lost in a Masquerade
By MAUREEN DOWD
ASHINGTON
Hoooo-rah! Rummy finally got called on the carpet.
Not by the president, of course, but by troops fighting in Iraq. Some of them are finally fed up enough to rumble about his back-door draft and failure to provide them with the proper armor for their Humvees, leaving them scrambling to improvise with what they call “hillbilly armor.”
The defense secretary had been expected to go to Iraq on this trip but spent the day greeting troops in Kuwait instead. Even though Pentagon officials insist that security wasn’t an issue, I bet they had to be worried not to travel the extra 40 miles to Iraq.
Rummy met with troops at Camp Buehring, named for Chad Buehring, an Army colonel who died last year when insurgents in Baghdad launched a rocket-propelled grenade into Al Rasheed, a Green Zone hotel once frequented by Western journalists and administration officials that is still closed to guests because – despite all the president’s sunny bromides about resolutely prevailing – security in Iraq is relentlessly deteriorating.
As Joe Biden told Aaron Brown of CNN about his visit to Falluja, “They got the biggest hornets’ nest, but the hornets have gone up and set up nests other places.” He said that a general had run up to him as he was getting into his helicopter to confide, “Senator, anybody who tells you we don’t need forces here is a G.D. liar.”
Rummy, however, did not hesitate to give the back of his hand to soldiers about to go risk their lives someplace he didn’t trouble to go.
He treated Thomas Wilson – the gutsy guardsman from
Tennessee who asked why soldiers had “to dig through local landfills for pieces of scrap metal and compromised ballistic glass to up-armor our vehicles, and why don’t we have those resources readily available to us?” – as if he were a pesky Pentagon reporter. The defense chief used the same coldly cantankerous tone and squint he displays in press briefings, an attitude that long ago wore thin. He did everything but slap the kid in the hospital bed.
In one of his glib “Nothing’s perfect,” “Freedom’s untidy” and “Stuff happens” maxims, Rummy told the soldier: “As you know, you go to war with the Army you have.”
It wouldn’t make a good Army slogan, and it was a lousy answer, especially when our kids are getting blown up every day in a war ginned up on administration lies. Remember when the president promised in the campaign that the troops would have all the body armor they needed?
These young men and women went to Iraq believing the pap they were told: they’d have a brief battle, chocolate, flowers, gratitude. Instead, they were thrust into a prolonged and savage insurgent war without the troop levels or armor they needed because the Pentagon’s neocons had made plans based on their spin – that turning Iraq into a democracy would be a cakewalk. And because Rummy wanted to make his mark by experimenting with a lean, slimmed-down force. And because Rummy kept nattering on about a few “dead-enders,” never acknowledging the true force, or true nationalist fervor, of the opposition.
The dreams of Rummy and the neocons were bound to collide. But it’s immoral to trap our troops in a guerrilla war without essential, lifesaving support and matériel just so a bunch of officials who have never been in a war can test their theories.
How did this dangerous chucklehead keep his job? He must have argued that because of the president’s re-election campaign, the military was constrained from doing what it is trained to do, to flatten Falluja and other insurgent strongholds. He must have told W. he deserved a chance to try again after the election.
He had a willing audience. W. likes officials who feed him swaggering fictions instead of uncomfortable facts.
The president loves dressing up to play soldier. To rally Camp Pendleton marines facing extended deployments in Iraq, he got gussied up in an Ike D-Day-style jacket, with epaulets and a big presidential seal on one lapel and his name and “Commander in Chief” on the other.
When he really had a chance to put on a uniform and go someplace where the enemy was invisible and there was no exit strategy and our government was not leveling with us about how bad it was, W. wasn’t so high on the idea. But now that it’s just a masquerade – giving a morale boost to troops heading off someplace where the enemy’s invisible and there’s no exit strategy and the government’s not leveling with us about how bad it is – hey, man, it’s cool.
December 9, 2004
OP-ED COLUMNIST
The Suicide Supply Chain
rom what I can tell from the new organizational flow chart for U.S. intelligence that Congress adopted yesterday, it is a god-awful combination of new titles and jobs at the top, without clear lines of authority to the people on the ground. One thing I’ve learned from 25 years in the newspaper business (which is just another form of intelligence gathering) is this: Whenever you add a new layer of editors on top of reporters, and don’t get rid of some of the old layer of editors, all you get is trouble. You get less intelligent.
The right way to improve U.S. intelligence is to get more people on the ground who speak the languages we need and who can think unconventionally. If that sounds blindingly obvious to you, it is, but it is precisely the shortage of such people that explains to me America’s greatest intelligence failure in Iraq – a failure we are paying for dearly right now. You see, we didn’t invade Iraq too soon. We actually invaded 10 years too late.
Let me explain: America’s greatest intelligence failure in Iraq was not the W.M.D. we thought were there, but weren’t. It was the P.M.D. we thought weren’t there, but were. P.M.D., in my lexicon, stands for “people of mass destruction.” And there were far more of them in Iraq than anyone realized. The failure of U.S. intelligence to understand what was happening inside Iraqi society during the decade-plus of U.N. sanctions that preceded our invasion is the key to many of the problems we’ve encountered in post-Saddam Iraq.
The U.N. sanctions pulverized Iraqi society – a society already beaten down by an eight-year Iran-Iraq war, the war over Kuwait and some 30 years of Saddam’s tyranny. As Saddamism and sanctions chewed up the Iraqi people during the 1990′s, many people of talent left. Before the war, the Bush team told anyone who would listen that Iraq had the most talented secular elite in the Arab world. And it was right. The only problem was that during the 1990′s many in that elite moved to Amman, Damascus, Beirut, Abu Dhabi, Bahrain and Cairo, where they worked as professors, music teachers and engineers.
Meanwhile, back in Iraq, those who had no access to Baath Party privileges got steadily ground down. Many Iraqi youth, unable to connect with the outside world and unable to find jobs at home, turned to religion. Saddam encouraged this with a mosque-building program. By wrapping himself in an aura of Islam, Saddam also hoped to buttress his own waning legitimacy. So Wahhabi religious influence flowed into the Sunni areas from Saudi Arabia, as Iranian religious influence flowed into Shiite regions.
You know all those masked Iraqi youth you see in the Al Jazeera videos, brandishing weapons and standing over some foreigner whose head they are about saw off? They are the product of the last decade of Saddamism and sanctions. Those youth were 10 years old when the U.N. sanctions began. They are the mushrooms that Saddam and the sanctions were growing in the dark. The Bush team had no clue they were there.
These deracinated, unemployed, humiliated Sunni Iraqi youth are our biggest problem today. Some clearly have become suicide bombers. We can’t say what percentage, because, unlike the Palestinians, the Iraqi suicide bombers don’t even bother to tell us their names or do a farewell video for mom. They not only are ready to commit suicide on demand, but they are ready to do it anonymously. That bespeaks a very high level of commitment or psychosis, or both.
I would estimate that U.S. forces have been hit with over 200 of these human missiles, and we still are not sure how they are recruited and deployed. What we are facing, I think, is a crude underground suicide supply chain – a mutant combination of Wal-Mart and Wahhabism.
Its organizers appear to use word of mouth, and the Internet, to recruit suicide bombers from Iraq and the wider Muslim world. These bombers are ferried down the supply chain to bomb makers in the field, who get them wired up and deploy them against U.S. and Iraqi targets tactically.
This is not haphazard. These bombings are timed for maximum effect. That means the insurgents are quite confident about their supply of bombers. It’s just like Wal-Mart’s supply chain: you buy an item in a Wal-Mart in Arkansas, and another one is immediately made in
China. In Iraq, you deploy a suicide bomber in Baghdad, and another one is immediately manufactured in Mosul or Riyadh.
When we have people in U.S. intelligence who can explain how that organizational flow chart works, I’ll feel safer.
